Just to digress from the formerly established pattern, I am making a break from comment on printed media to pass a brief comment on a recent Internet-based initiative undertaken by blog enthusiast Jacques René Zammit.
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Earlier this month, the lamppost movement published its manifesto. As the document explains in introduction, the lamppost serves to be a platform as well an umbrella, an odd sequence of images that conveys more a rainy train station on a Tuesday evening than a progressive organisation.
The blog calls for comments, which I have decided to offer here in some greater length than I would prefer to volunteer on the forum provided. As the overly rich combination of images and intentions of the manifesto alluded to earlier suggests, some of the core issues of discussion may be fundamentally linguistic in nature. Some time back, I encouraged Sharon at Lost in Thought to throw out a few provocative questions on her blog in an attempt to incite some discussion, and hence understanding, of the themes underlying the decidedly medieval fashion for door-burning and racially intolerant rhetoric taking hold in Malta. Ultimately, the discussion proved unfulfilling and was relatively unsubscribed to, which is a shame, because explanations should ideally be sought to social problems before setting forth into nominally noble and grandiloquent affirmations of love and respect for one's fellow man. Consequently, amidst the austere legalistic framework of the manifesto, which looks like it owes more than something to formative mini-European assemblies, the author(s) speak of how they are:
"Alarmed by the current rise in acts of intolerance, violence, terrorism, xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, racism, exclusion, marginalisation and discrimination directed against national, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, refugees, migrant workers, immigrants and vulnerable groups within societies, as well as acts of violence and intimidation committed against individuals exercising their freedom of opinion and expression – all of which threaten the consolidation of peace and democracy, both nationally and internationally, and are obstacles to development."
The very notion of tolerance is then used as the defining issue for the first article of the manifesto. However, as Zadie Smith recently noted in an interview of Radio Tre (available here, listen from 5:09 for the relevant remarks), tolerance is a concept that cuts in both directions. As Smith correctly observes, tolerance is the sensation one feels when someone on the train plays their stereo too loud. It's irritating, but you can put up with it.
As a concept, tolerance has several centuries of vintage to it and is not the enlightenment novelty that we might immediately assume it is. Mindful of the fact that this is beginning to sound like a column in the Sunday Times, it should be recalled that as early as the 13th century, Pope Innocent IV observed that it was not desirable for natural law as understood by ecclesiastical authority to be imposed upon the non-believer. From this, there derived two basic propositions - first, that which is tolerated is synonymous with evil; second, the application of tolerance serves merely to pre-empt the prevailing of a worse evil.
These remain the basic principles that define, if not inspire, tolerance on a popular level. As I attempted, not very clearly, to argue in e-mails to Sharon Spiteri, tolerance understood as the act of "putting up with" represents a far more ominous and real threat than the likes of Malta's budding far-right.
The Maltese have, after all, with their centuries of Catholic piety become experts at the art of making the right noises about loving one's neighbour while stabbing them in the back and gossiping about them at every available opportunity. This means that the effort to browbeat people into saying the right things about the minorities may be the easiest part of the challenge that the lamppost initiative is taking upon itself.
3 comments:
Thanks for the comments. Just a few points:
1. The document is austere because it owes much to UN documents (and not min-european assemblies which I found to be mass exercises in intellectual wannabie-ism)
2. You seem to have got stuck in the preamble. Article 1 includes and stresses that "tolerance is not concession, condescension or indulgence". I do not see the stumbling block you seem to be so eager to create.
3. Read this for example:
"It means that one is free to adhere to one's own convictions and accepts that others adhere to theirs. It means accepting the fact that human beings, naturally diverse in their appearance, situation, speech, behaviour and values, have the right to live in peace and to be as they are. It also means that one's views are not to be imposed on others."
How you read "putting up with" is beyond me. Especially when you see the advocation of tolerance in the light of education and understanding.
The "process of understanding" is part and parcel of the campaign. Somehow I feel that your quest to develop a high brow criticism in the normal style of your blog obfuscates your capacity to examine objectively and logically. So, brew some tea, put on your best glasses, print the document and stat again.
Criticism for criticism's sake will not get anyone anywhere. Looking forward for something constructive (and informed).
Yes, I do think that you've given the concept of tolerance as expounded in the manifesto a narrow meaning which it manifestly (pun unintended) does not have.
On the other hand, this is the sort of debate the country badly requires at the moment. And if it's high-brow, so what?
Lastly, I do think that the situation in Malta is particularly sensitive for several reasons - many of them structural - and that this should be addressed carefully. Probably a manifesto is not the ideal place to address the issue but I sincerely believe it must be part of the equation.
Jacques,
Hmmm, a slightlier tetchier response than was probably required, but very well.
As I said, the question will remain one intrinsically interwoven with the semantics of the language that is being adopted, as this will underpin the actual nature of what can and should be achieved. Refining the language is therefore essential. Incidentally, dismissals along the lines of "criticism for criticism's sake" strike me as being peculiarly petulant considering that this is a matter of genuine concern to anybody bothered to get involved in the discussion.
So, tolerance can mean many things to different people. Words can be misunderstood, misinterpreted and distorted. Indeed, when both you and David suggest that I have accused you of equating tolerance with the act of "putting up with", you have in fact misrepresented my analysis. Though, on a point of fact, that is what tolerance actually means.
To be precise, what concerns me is the vast chasm that lies between intolerance, tolerance and the genuine cultural assimilation of social diversity. No matter how you phrase it, the absolute relativism that your concept of tolerance appears to envisage wishes away the real problems and difficulties that diversity can bring with it. Protest as much as you want that this is just splitting hairs, yet you are as guilty as anybody of the vain rhetoric that you are quick to see in others.
To be constructive, as you demand, I would ask you to explore intolerance properly before calling for its antipode. My original post referred to the questions posed by Sharon in her blog because I feel that only by identifying the real nature of intolerance can you begin to work out the quality of the tolerance one would wish to advocate.
Consider, for instance, that the politically racist activist minority in Malta frames its arguments in the standard formula of alien invasion. Sensibly argued, so to speak, that position too could be made to appear as though it advocated diversity in "appearance, situation, speech, behaviour and values". Only, they have look and talk differently over there. Indeed, looking over your framework for tolerance, there is little a "progressive" fascist could not claim to agree with.
I remain unconvinced that the objections I have raised have been adequately handled, which is why I have spoken about the process of understanding. Again though, it is hardly encouraging that reflection upon these issues is rebutted with gainsaying and snide remarks. As it happens, David describes my feelings best when he states that the Maltese situation can probably not best be addressed by the manifesto format. Especially when this has preceded a proper, altogether now, "process of understanding". A manifesto may be part of the equation, but the most correct answer can only be given if we comprehend the question in the first place.
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